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Pork becomes 'earmarks' — 11,000 of them


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Touting earmarks before Election Day
A new earmarking cycle begins this month as the House and Senate Appropriations committees reveal spending bills for the 2009 budget year that starts Oct. 1. The House committee alone has 23,438 earmark requests before it, so many that its Web site for accepting requests froze up and the deadline for receiving them had to be extended. Lawmakers are unlikely to obtain many earmarks in time for Election Day, but they may tout them in hundreds of press releases anyway.

Defenders of earmarks note that the Founding Fathers explicitly gave Congress control over spending. And earmarks make up less than 2 percent of the annual spending bills passed each year.

"Representatives can better judge their districts' needs than some bureaucrat," Rep. Nancy Boyda, D-Kan., wrote her constituents this year.

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Critics say too many earmarks go to a few powerful lawmakers such as Murtha, who by himself and in concert with others earmarked $176 million in 2008 federal spending.

Most of the 440 members of Congress who are not members of the House or Senate appropriations committees go along in order to get a sliver of the pie, even as many of them cry out for change.

"Initially, with great enthusiasm, you fight for your communities," said Rep. Mark Kirk, R-Ill., who says he's sworn off earmarks until new reforms are put in place. "But the return is that you have to support the whole process and therefore, you're supporting everyone else's earmarks."

PAYING TO PLAY

Case in point: Defense contractor
Examples abound of lawmakers winning earmarks for specific companies or institutions, and then receiving campaign contributions from the recipients or their lobbyists.

TPI Composites, a defense contractor, received $2.4 million to develop a new all-composite military vehicle in the 2008 defense spending bill. The benefactor was Rep. David L. Hobson, an Ohio Republican who sits on the House defense appropriations subcommittee. The Columbus Dispatch reports that TPI executives have donated $10,000 to Hobson in recent years and that a TPI lobbyist has contributed $5,000 to his campaigns since 2003.

"I don't look at how much money people have given me," Hobson, who is retiring at the end of this year, told the Dispatch. "I don't care who gives me money. If we don't think (an earmark) is good we won't do it. At some point you have to say to yourself, 'Do I trust the person in this office to do the right thing and stand up and say no at the right time?' People shouldn't have voted for me if they thought I could be bought."

  Earmark rules

The House and Senate in 2007 implemented reforms aimed at adding transparency to the process of earmarking projects, grants and contracts in legislation.

The House:

— Requires any bill containing earmarks be accompanied by a list identifying each one and the member or members who requested it.
— Requires a letter from the representative who requested an earmark to provide a letter identifying the earmark and the entity to receive the funds, along with a certification that neither the requesting member nor their spouse would benefit financially.
— Prohibits earmarks from being used to influence other members.

The Senate:

— Requires disclosure of earmarks and their sponsors, but it does not require public disclosure of the entities receiving them.
— Prohibits senators from advocating for an earmark in which they might have a financial interest.

Republican proposals not adopted:

— In Senate, requiring that earmarks be placed in bill language instead of accompanying reports, guaranteeing opponents a chance to vote them down.
— In House, imposing a moratorium on earmarks until a bipartisan committee proposes new reforms.
Source: Associated Press
Defense industry executives and their lobbyists are Murtha's biggest campaign donors. DRS Technologies, which has given Murtha more than $29,000 this campaign cycle, has received $30 million in earmarks in fiscal 2008 from the defense subcommittee. Of those, Murtha accounted for $8 million himself, according to Taxpayers for Common Sense. The company is based in New Jersey, but its biggest facility is in Murtha's southwestern Pennsylvania district. Within days of a fundraiser in his honor earlier this year, Murtha also received $8,500 from executives of Van Scoyoc Associates, a lobbying firm that represents DRS.

"We receive thousands of funding requests which are vetted by both members and staff. In the end, we recommend projects based strictly on their merit and value to the (Defense) department," said Murtha's spokesman, Matthew Mazonkey.

Earmarks come in countless varieties. Job training programs, grants to police departments, improvements to military bases, renovations to historical buildings and research grants for home-district colleges are just a few. They help pay for food banks and child care centers, sewer systems, roads and bridges, and equipment purchased by the Pentagon.

The most commonly accepted definition of an earmark is a specific project, contract or grant not requested by the president but inserted into one of the annual spending bills. Many of those bills often get consolidated into one.

Earmarks can do a lot of good. About 30,000 victims of leukemia and other blood diseases have received lifesaving bone marrow transplants through a donor registry program that Rep. C.W. Bill Young, R-Fla., started through an earmark more than 20 years ago.

But Congress has been rocked in recent years by revelations of wasteful earmarks such as the $223 million "bridge to nowhere" in Alaska that was supposed to connect an island with a population of just 50 or so to the mainland. It was never built.


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