Donors underwrite life of luxury for DeLay

'It's obscene'
Some say DeLay pushes the limits, and risks alienating donors.

“I don’t think the people that contributed to me would believe it was a good expenditure of their hard-earned dollars for me to go and play golf and enjoy life anywhere,” said former Rep. Charlie Stenholm, a fiscally conservative Texas Democrat who lost his House seat following DeLay-led redistricting.

Rep. Christopher Shays, R-Conn., a Republican author of legislation that reformed campaign finance, was just as critical of DeLay’s spending habits.

“It’s excessive, it’s obscene, it distorts someone’s ability to have good judgment,” said Shays, a longtime critic of DeLay. “It’s an abuse of campaign finance law and of our ethics law. It’s harmful to Congress in general and the Republican Party in particular. We need a new leader.”

A $50 contributor to one of DeLay’s political groups wasn’t phased by the spending, saying he gives to politicians who share his political views. “I guess it’s almost an automatic fifty bucks to anybody who’s on my side,” said George Wrenn, a retired architectural historian from Freedom, N.H.

DeLay’s travels with recently indicted lobbyist Jack Abramoff are now under criminal investigation. But those trips were paid by special interests directly under the banner of congressional fact-finding.

DeLay’s own political empire has underwritten far more travel.

The destinations for DeLay or his political team include a Ritz-Carlton hotel in Jamaica; the Prince Hotel in Hapuna Beach, Hawaii; the Michelangelo Hotel in New York; the Wyndham El Conquistador Resort & Golden Door Spa in Fajardo, Puerto Rico; and the Phoenician Resort in Scottsdale, Ariz., built by Charles Keating before he became the most public face of the savings and loan scandal in the early 1990s.

There’s also the Ritz-Carlton in Naples, Fla., offering “dazzling views of the Gulf of Mexico, warm golden sunsets and three miles of pristine beach” plus golf, a spa, goose-down comforters, marble bathrooms and private, ocean-view balconies. Rooms run from about $389 to more than $3,000 a night in December, the month DeLay’s PAC spent $4,570 on lodging there in 2004.

“He liked to talk to people,” said Pedro Muriel, a waiter at Puerto Rico’s El Conquistador Resort. Muriel recalled DeLay staying in an enclave of privately owned red tile-roofed villas.

The villas have up to three bedrooms, kitchens, living rooms and French doors that open onto terraces or balconies facing the Caribbean. A moon-shape pool hugs the edge of a steep cliff, its waters spilling over and appearing to blend into the sea. Villa prices average about $1,300 a night.

Guests get their own butlers. The resort offers six swimming pools and an 18-hole championship golf course. Its casino served as the setting for the last scene in the James Bond movie “Goldfinger.”

DeLay’s donors have also financed visits to country clubs and tournament-quality golf courses, including the exclusive Baltusrol Golf Club in Springfield, N.J., site of this summer’s PGA Championship; Nemacolin Woodlands Resort in Farmington, Pa., home of another PGA event; and Harbour Town Golf Links, a course on Hilton Head Island, S.C., that was designed in consultation with Jack Nicklaus.

“World class. Dynamic. Luxury resort. Spend a day, spend a week, spend a lifetime,” another DeLay fundraising spot, the ChampionsGate golf resort near Orlando, Fla., invites on its Web site.

The resort, where a round of golf typically costs $70 to $80 per player on top of lodging, has two championship courses designed by pro golfer Greg Norman and offers players a Global Positioning Satellite system it boasts “acts as a professional caddie.”

Dining at fine restaurants also is routine. The stops for DeLay and his associates include Morton’s of Chicago, where the average dinner for two goes for about $170 before tax and tip, and “21” in Manhattan, a longtime glamour spot where American caviar goes for $38 for a taste.

Donation-paid jets
When DeLay wants to head somewhere without the hassle of commercial travel, he often asks a company for its jet and uses donations to pay for it.

Dozens of businesses have loaned DeLay their planes, from tobacco giants UST, RJ Reynolds and Philip Morris to energy companies like El Paso, Panda, Reliant and Dynegy.

R.J. Reynolds let DeLay use a company plane at least nine times since 1999, once joining Philip Morris in making jets available for a DeLay PAC fundraiser at a Puerto Rican resort in winter 2002. R.J. Reynolds spokesman David Howard said planes are loaned usually at lawmakers’ request and are only done if jets aren’t needed for company business.

“It’s much more convenient as opposed to your regular commercial travel,” Howard said, noting there is no need to go through airport security.

On R.J. Reynolds’ planes, smoking is allowed and there are usually beverages and deli-style food. There’s more leg room and the convenience of phones.

The smoking rule suits DeLay, who likes to chomp on cigars while golfing and reported spending at least $1,930 in PAC money on cigar-shop purchases. The cigars were reported to the Federal Election Commission as donor gifts.

DeLay’s political committee also reported a $2,896 shopping spree at the Amelia Marche Burette gift shop on Amelia Island, Fla., for donor gifts. The shop carries “gourmet cookware, Sabatier cutlery and gadgets for your every need.”

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